The Economy of Japan

The High-Growth Era
The Japanese economy is the second largest
market economy in the world as of 2009.
Japan’s postwar economy developed from the
remnants of an industrial infrastructure that
suffered widespread destruction during World
War II. In 1952, at the close of the Allied
Occupation, Japan was a “less-developed
country,” with per capita consumption roughly one fifth that of the United States. Over the
following two decades, Japan averaged an
annual growth rate of 8%, enabling it to
become the first country to move from “less- developed” to “developed” status in the
postwar era. The reasons for this include high
rates of both personal savings and privatesector
facilities investment a labor force with a strong work ethic, an ample supply of cheap
oil, innovative technology, and effective
government intervention in private-sector
industries. Japan was a major beneficiary of
the swift growth attained by the postwar world
economy under the principles of free trade
advanced by the International Monetary Fund
and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and in 1968 its economy became the
world’s second largest, following that of the
United States. Between 1950 and 1970, the percentage of Japanese living in cities rose from 38% to
72%, swelling the industrial work force. The
competitive strength of Japanese industry
increased steadily, with exports growing, on
average, 18.4% per year during the 1960s.
After the mid-1960s, a current account
balance surplus was achieved every year
except for a couple years following the oil crisis of 1973. The economic growth in this
era, supported by strong private-sector
facilities investment based on a high personal
savings ratio, was accompanied by significant
changes in Japan’s industrial structure.
Whereas formerly the mainstays of the
economy were agriculture and light
manufacturing, the focus shifted to heavy industry. Iron and steel, shipbuilding, machine
tools, motor vehicles, and electronic devices
came to dominate the industrial sector. In December 1960, Prime Minister Ikeda
Hayato announced an income-doubling plan
which set a goal of 7.8% annual growth
during the decade of 1961-1970. Government
economic planning aimed at expansion of the industrial base proved exceedingly successful,
and by 1968 national income had doubled,
achieving an average annual growth rate of
10%.
A Mature Economy
Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei’s Basic
Economic and Social Plan (February 1973)
forecast continued high growth rates for the
period 1973-1977. However, by 1973
domestic macroeconomic policy had resulted
in a rapid increase in the money supply,which led to extensive speculation in the real estate and domestic commodity markets.
Japan was already suffering from double-digit
inflation when, in October 1973, the outbreak
of war in the Middle East led to an oil crisis.
Energy costs rose steeply and the yen’s
exchange rate, which had not reflected
its true strength, was shifted to a floating
rate. The consequent recession lowered expectations of future growth, resulting in
reduced private investment. Economic growth
slowed from the 10% level to an average of
3.6% during the period 1974-1979, and 4.4% during the decade of the 1980s.
A second oil crisis in 1979 contributed to a fundamental shift in Japan’s industrial structure from emphasis on heavy industry to
development of new fields, such as the VLSI
semiconductor industry. By the late 1970s,
the computer, semiconductor, and other
technology and information-intensive
industries had entered a period of rapid
growth.
As in the high-growth era, exports continued to play an important role in Japan’s
economic growth in the 1970s and 1980s.
However, the trade friction that accompanied
Japan’s growing balance of payments surplus
brought increasingly strident calls for Japan to
further open domestic markets and to focus
more on domestic demand as an engine of
economic growth.
The “Bubble Economy”
Following the 1985 Plaza Accord, the yen’s
value rose sharply, reaching 120 yen to the
U S dollo in 1988 three times its value in 1971 under the fixed exchange rate system. A
consequent increase in the price of Japanese
export goods reduced their competitiveness in
overseas markets, but government financial
measures contributed to growth in domestic
demand.
Corporate investment rose sharply in
1988 and 1989 With higher stock prices new equity issues swiftly rose in value, making
them an important source of financing for
corporations, while banks sought an outlet
for funds in real estate development.
Corporations, in turn, used their real estate
holdings as collateral for stock market
speculation, which during this period resulted
in a doubling in the value of land prices and a 180% rise in the Tokyo Nikkei stock market
index.
In May 1989, the government tightened its
monetary policies to suppress the rise in value of assets such as land. However, higher
interest rates sent stock prices into a
downward spiral. By the end of 1990, the
Tokyo stock market had fallen 38%, wiping
out 300 trillion yen (US $2.07 trillion) in value,
and land prices dropped steeply from their
speculative peak. This plunge into recession is known as the “bursting” of the “bubble
economy.”
The Economy since 1995
The post-bubble recession continued through
the second half of the 1990s and into the new
millennium. Some temporary improvement in
the economic outlook was seen in 1995 and
1996, partly due to a fall in the value of the
yen and additional demand generated by
recovery efforts for the January 1995 Great
Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake. In 1997, however,
a variety of factors, including a rise in the
consumption tax rate, a reduction in
government investment activity, and the
bankruptcies of major financial institutions,
quickly worsened the recession. Burdened
with a huge volume of bad debt aggravated
by still-falling land prices, financial institutions
tightened their lending policies, thereby
forcing companies to reduce plant and
equipment investments. This, combined with
falling exports caused by the Asian economic
crisis, resulted in lower profits in almost all
industries. Employment salaries and wages
also fell, further dragging down consumer
spending, and in 1998 the Japanese
economy suffered negative growth.
In 1998 the government established a 60
trillion yen funding framework to provide the
public funds necessary to promote economic
recovery, and it also allocated an additional
40 trillion yen for emergency measures to
deal with reduced lending by financial
institutions. The national budget for fiscal
1999 included a large increase in public
project spending, and action, such as an
increase in tax credits for new home
purchases, was taken to reduce taxes.
Beginning in February 1999, the Bank of
Japan instituted a 0% short-term interest rate
policy to ease the money supply, and in
March the government poured 7.5 trillion yen
in public funds into 15 major banks.
As a result of these measures and
growing demand for Japanese products in
Asia, in late 1999 and 2000 signs of recovery
were shown, such as increasing stock prices
and revenue growth in some industries. In
2001, however, the economy slid back into
recession because of domestic problems—
sluggish domestic demand, deflation, and the
continuing huge bad-debt burden carried by
Japanese banks—as well as international
factors that included a decline in Japanese
exports due to deterioration of the U.S.
economy. The unemployment rate, which had
been only 2.1% in 1990, climbed up to 4.0%
in 2008.
The economy bottomed out at the
beginning of 2002, entering a period of slow
but steady recovery that has continued
through the middle of the decade. After
lingering for more than 10 years, the negative
aftereffects of the bubble-economy collapse
finally appear to have been largely overcome.
The non-performing loan ratio of major banks
fell from over 8% in 2002 to under 2% in 2006,
and this has contributed to a recovery in bank
lending capacity as banks are once again
able to fully function as financial
intermediaries.
Reflecting the business recovery, stock
prices rose strongly between 2003 and 2006.
However, the period of economic recovery
and expansion that began in February 2002
abruptly reversed with the Lehman shock in
the fall of 2008, which originated with the U.S.
subprime mortgage crisis. Annualized gross
domestic product for January–March 2009 fell
15.2 percent from the previous quarter, the
worst drop ever recorded. In addition to a
dramatic plunge in exports, which had been
an engine of growth during the period of
expansion, purchases of automobiles and
other aspects of consumer spending are
weak, and the vulnerability of Japan ’ s
reliance on external demand has been thrown
into relief.
During the recent period of economic
expansion that began in 2002, corporate
revenues were not passed on to households.
As a result of factors such as the increased
use of non-regular employment in the
manufacturing industry, declines in average
wages and income disparities were sharply
illuminated.
There is growing concern over the
consequences that the aging of Japanese
society will have for the economy. In 2008
approximately 22 percent of the population
was 65 or older, but by 2055 this figure is
projected to be about 41%. To minimize the
effects of the contraction of the working
population, it will be necessary to both
increase labor productivity and to promote the
employment of woman and people over 65. In
addition, fundamental reforms will be
necessary in pension and other social welfare
systems in order to avoid large inequalities
between generations with respect to the
burdens born and benefits received.
Growing Asian
Connection
The share of manufactured goods as a
percentage of all Japanese imports has
greatly increased since the mid-1980s,
exceeding 50 percent in 1990 and 60 percent
in the late 1990s, and this has spurred fears
of a hollowing out of Japanese industry.
Growing trade friction in the second half of the
1980s and the steep rise in the value of
the yen impelled many companies in key
export industries, notably electronics and
automobiles, to shift production overseas.
Manufacturers of such electrical products
as TVs, VCRs, and refrigerators opened
assembly plants in China, Thailand, Malaysia,
and other countries in Asia where work quality
was high and labor inexpensive. For such
products, the market share of imported goods
now exceeds that of domestic items.
In recent years, a rapid increase in
manufactured imports from China has caused
particular concern. Between 2001 and 2005,
Japan’s imports from China rose by 170%.
During the same period exports to China rose
by an even faster rate, 235 percent.
Moreover, the share of Japan’s trade
occupied by China grew to 17.7 percent in
2007, surpassing the 16.1 percent held by the
United States to become the largest of any
country. Japan’s digital home electronics and
automobile-related exports are robust, and in
that same year exports to China topped 100
billion dollars for the first time ever Since
1988 Japan has run a continuous trade deficit
with China. However, a large portion of
Japan’s exports to Hong Kong end up being
exported to China, and if this is taken into
account and Japan–China trade is examined
from an export basis, Japan is actually
running a trade surplus.
The simultaneous increase in the volume
of both product exports and imports with
China and the rest of Asia is partly the result
of an international division of labor occurring
as part of manufacturing globalization.
Japanese companies export capital goods
(machinery) and intermediate goods
(components, etc.) to production facilities built
through their direct investment in China, and
then they import the finished goods back into
Japan. At present there is still a vertical
division of labor, with Japan specializing
in knowledge- and technology-intensive
modules and processes and China
specializing in labor-intensive modules and
processes. As China and other developing
nations continue to improve their technical
capabilities, however, the challenge for
Japan’s manufacturing industry will be to
maintain a comparative advantage in
knowledge- and technology-intensive sectors.